MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

The National Research and Development Agency (ANID) funded this article through the Regular Fondecyt project N°1231643 and the

Fondecyt initiation project N° 11200188.

Magíster en Planicación y Gestión Territorial

Doctorando en Estudios Sociales y Políticos, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades

Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Chile.

https://orcid.org/0009-0002-7187-228X

Ignacio.bondis@gmail.com

Doctor en Geografía

Profesor Asociado del Departamento de Sociología, Ciencia Política y Administración Pública.

Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Chile.

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5794-5652

frojo@uct.cl

Doctor en Estudios Urbanos

Profesor Asistente del Departamento de Ciencias Ambientales.

Universidad Católica de Temuco, Temuco, Chile.

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7597-4868

mescalon@uct.cl

https://doi.org/10.22320/07183607.2024.27.49.04

Recibido: 20-12-2023

Aceptado: 06-05-2024

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A

LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

SAME STRUGGLE,

DIFFERENT GOALS:

TERRITORIAL STRATEGIES

FOR THE RIGHT TO THE CITY

IN TWO ENCAMPMENTS IN

TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDISLUNA 2

FÉLIX ROJOMENDOZA 3

MIGUEL ESCALONAULLOA 4

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

The housing encampments in Chile represent urban marginalization in the country. Due to the limited housing options the

State provides, these settlements have historically developed forms of organization and struggle in search of their right to the

city. Essentially, these actions focus on self-management to obtain a place to live. However, despite sharing similar needs,

these groups show diverse forms of struggle. In the current context, with a growing demand for housing in the country, various

strategies these groups adopt to integrate into the city can be observed. This article focuses on analyzing the occupation

and spatial governance strategies implemented in two encampments located in the city of Temuco, Chile: Los Pinos and Los

Ripieros, through a qualitative approach based on the application of a social mapping to the leaders of both settlements and

the exploration of narratives related to past and future spatial governance. Differences were identied between these two

encampments. Although they share a contiguous physical location and emerged at the same time, the results reveal that, despite

initial similarities in urban development, there are differences in the motivations guiding their future actions. While Los Ripieros

actively seeks to inuence obtaining a permanent housing solution in other sectors of the city, Los Pinos chooses to get involved

within the framework of existing urban regulations to secure a housing solution in the same place. These ndings enrich the

discussion on urban marginality by showing that the struggles for space of excluded groups are centered on the balance between

rootedness and obtaining housing. The latter is vital for the state to consider when designing urban policies.

Keywords: urban marginality, informal settlements, social mapping, territorial planning, public policies.

Los campamentos habitacionales en Chile representan la marginación urbana en el país. Debido a las limitadas opciones que el

Estado ofrece en términos de vivienda, estos asentamientos históricamente han desarrollado formas de organización y lucha en

busca de su derecho a la ciudad. En esencia, estas acciones se centran en la autogestión para obtener un lugar donde vivir. Sin

embargo, a pesar de compartir necesidades similares, estos grupos muestran diversas formas de lucha. En el contexto actual,

con una creciente demanda de viviendas en el país se pueden observar variadas estrategias adoptadas por estos grupos para

integrarse en la ciudad. Este artículo se enfoca en analizar las estrategias de ocupación y gobernanza espacial implementadas

en dos campamentos ubicados en la ciudad de Temuco (Chile), Los PInos y Los Ripieros. Se utiliza un enfoque cualitativo

que se basa en la aplicación de una cartografía social a los líderes de ambos asentamientos y la exploración de las narrativas

relacionadas con la gobernanza espacial pasada y futura. Se identicaron diferencias entre estos dos campamentos, a pesar

que comparten una ubicación física contigua y surgieron al mismo tiempo. Los resultados revelan que, a pesar de similitudes

iniciales en términos del desarrollo urbanístico, existen diferencias en cuanto a las motivaciones que guían sus acciones futuras.

Mientras que Los Ripieros busca activamente inuir en la obtención de una solución habitacional permanente en otros sectores

de la ciudad, Los Pinos opta por involucrarse en el marco de las normativas urbanas vigentes para asegurar una solución

habitacional en el mismo lugar. Estos hallazgos enriquecen la discusión sobre la marginalidad urbana, al mostrar que las luchas

por el espacio de grupos excluidos se centran en el equilibrio entre el arraigo y la obtención de vivienda. Esto último debe ser

considerado por el estado, al momento de diseñar políticas urbanas.

Palabras clave: marginalidad urbana, asentamientos informales, cartografía social, planicación territorial, políticas públicas.

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

I. INTRODUCTION

The concept of urban marginalization appears due to a

systematic relegation or exclusion of certain groups or

communities outside what is known as the urban center.

In this context, historical spatial marginalization has

negatively impacted the urban social fabric, precipitating

territorial stigmatization (Abufhele, 2019). This

phenomenon is derived from not only the accumulation

of poverty but also the presence of a punishing and

absent State (Wacquant, 2015; Perlman & Delgadillo, 2019),

exacerbated by the negative perception of these sectors

transmitted by the media and academia (Ruiz-Tagle,

Álvarez & Labbé, 2023).

However, its residents build alternative narratives and

meanings about the city (Pérez, 2019) by establishing,

among other things, informal economies to meet their

needs (Aceska et al., 2019) and self-management to

mitigate their marginalized situation (Pino & Ojeda,

2013; Cortés, 2014; Castañeda & Hernández, 2021;

Moreno, 2021). In this sense, the active participation of

residents in urbanization and the defense of their rights

have promoted legitimate and participatory territorial

governance models (Wigle, 2014), where the informal

habitat they occupy represents a variant to build the city

(Pino & Ojeda, 2013).

In this context, although irregular encampments, or

informal settlements comprising precarious housing and

without essential services, represent a spatial expression of

urban marginalization in Chile, they have a rich history of

organizing and fighting for the right to the city (Moreno,

2021). In this line, some studies mention that the residents

of these spaces act as active agents in the transformation

of their territories to be part of the city despite the

emerging vulnerabilities, job insecurity, and personal

and family challenges they face (Castillo, 2014; Imilán

et al., 2020). However, the political strategies employed

by the irregular occupants of diverse urban spaces

vary considerably, adapting to each group’s particular

circumstances and objectives.

This article examines the occupation and spatial

governance strategies used in two camps in Temuco, Chile,

using the social cartography technique applied to leaders

of irregular occupations. Although these encampments

or camps are located contiguously and emerged during

the same period (2019-2020), each exhibits a unique and

differentiated self-management policy in addressing the

central challenges they face regarding housing and the

right to the city. According to Lefebvre (1969), the latter is

understood as the right to participate democratically in the

production and administration of urban spaces, allowing

a deeper exploration of how these communities actively

seek to get involved and exert influence over their urban

and housing environments. With this in mind, the article

aims to contribute to the discussion on urban marginality,

considering the reflections, strategies, and projections used

by the “excluded” to win the right to live in the city.

II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Encampments in Chile and State Action

The Chilean State has designed different strategies to

address irregular settlements, which paradoxically have

often intensified the original challenge. The first effort

was the Workers’ Housing Law of 1906, which aimed to

stimulate the construction of affordable and healthy

housing. However, this law ended up encouraging the illegal

occupation of land in the urban peripheries due to the

chronic inability to cover the demand for housing (Hidalgo,

2010).

During Pinochet’s military regime (1973-1990), housing

policies adopted a neoliberal orientation, marked by the

elimination of taxes and the liberalization of urban land.

The market was considered the optimal agent for allocating

urban uses (Sabatini, 2000). This increased land value in the

consolidated central areas, making the periphery a viable

option for low-income families and housing policies seeking

more affordable land (Ducci, 1997).

With the return to democracy in 1990, Chile’s housing

policies maintained their neoliberal nature, but

focused on reducing the housing deficit and irregular

settlements. Despite a notable decrease in the deficit

and an increase in homeownership, the preference for

quantity over quality resulted in the construction of low-

quality housing in peripheral areas with limited access

to services and employment. This situation motivated

the initial beneficiaries of these policies to leave their

homes, generating two patterns of displacement: towards

areas with cheaper land and leases (Tant, 2017; Fuster-

Farfán et al., 2023) and better-located areas in the city, in

search of personal and family progress, which rejects the

stigmatization that living in social housing often entails

(Brain et al., 2010).

However, despite the Chilean State’s efforts to reduce the

housing deficit and avoid the presence of encampments

in different cities, the emergence of irregular occupations

remains a reality. Although policies are associated with

the camps, they still focus mainly on providing housing,

neglecting the dynamics of the social construction of the

space (Matus et al., 2019). This is essential to address, for

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

Figure 1. Location of both encampments in the city of Temuco. Source: Preparation by the authors.

example, the self-management of vulnerability scenarios in

which some populations are (Carrasco & Dangol, 2019).

Today, there are 1,091 housing encampments in Chile

(MINVU, 2022). This figure exceeds the 971 that existed

in 1996, which was the critical year in this area and led

the government of Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle to intensify

the urban policy associated with the increase in the

production and delivery of own housing. In the same

vein, the city of Temuco registered a sustained increase in

housing encampments, reaching 34 that were home to

1,040 families (MINVU, 2022; TECHO, 2021).

The marginalized and the possible planning in the

cities

In Chile, residents have acquired skills related to

constructing and consolidating new neighborhoods,

allowing them to create residential spaces outside the

guidelines established by traditional planning. This

experience made them stop being passive actors in their

relationship with housing policies and become active

protagonists (Fernández, 2023; Castillo, 2014). Relevant

examples of this type of organization are the La Victoria

and La Toma de Peñalolén neighborhoods, both in the

Metropolitan region, and the Manuel Bustos camp in

the Valparaíso region (Sepúlveda, 2019). All have shown

that, through collective action and negotiation with state

entities, the old encampments can be incorporated into

the city (Cortés, 2014; Zenteno et al., 2020).

Since the 1990s, this dynamic has challenged the

traditional vision of urban planning, as it transcended

mere regulations and technical and architectural

decisions by encouraging greater diversity and

participation in the city’s configuration. In this period,

more inclusive and collaborative planning emerged,

where the inhabitants began to play a fundamental role

in building and developing the urban environment.

This supports the notion of subaltern urbanism as an

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

5 Formed between November 2019 and February 2020.

alternative that has shaped and continues to adapt the

construction of cities in the Chilean context. Subaltern

urbanism implies recognizing that self-construction

goes far beyond being just informality, marginality, or

a response to housing problems. This urbanism implies

understanding the efforts of the inhabitants to coordinate

and organize the work that transforms territories into

habitable places, which also constitutes political actions

(Magliano & Perissinotti, 2020).

In this sense, it is crucial to recognize and assess the

existing practices in the territories, regardless of whether

they come from the State or the market, to reveal what is

called “insurgent planning” (Miraftab, 2018). This approach

implies recognizing citizens as empowered actors who

seek self-determination and challenge the dynamics

of global capitalism, as well as the representations that

specialists and politicians make of inhabited territories

(Regitz, 2019).

III. METHODOLOGY

The methodological approach used in this research is

based on a qualitative and exploratory perspective. The

territorial scope addressed includes the Los Ripieros and

Los Pinos encampments, established during 2019-2020

and located in a macro zone of Temuco called San Ramón

(Figure 1). The selection of these camps considered two

crucial criteria for the research: a) their recent emergence

in the urban context of the city and b) their mutual

proximity, a relevant factor to contemplate the logic of

spatial governance in groups with the same housing

needs.

A participatory methodology was adopted to address the

study objective, distinguished by its close collaboration

with the communities involved in these urban issues. This

research design is based on the dialectical interaction

between the most representative members of the

community and the participating researchers (Pájaro &

Tello, 2014). Regarding this approach, social cartography,

which involves creating maps that reflect the interrelation

between the spatial environment and people (Pájaro

& Tello, 2014), was used. An essential element of social

cartography is that it transcends the mere representation

of a given time and space, aspiring to harmonize the

perspectives of various social agents (Gil & Gómez, 2019).

In the observed camps, the implementation of social

mapping followed two lines of inquiry. First, the narratives

related to the planning and self-construction processes

of the camps were explored. Secondly, projective

spatial governance was established, which allowed an

understanding of the relationship between the current

organization’s past, present, and future. The three leaders

of each participating camp were asked to discuss and

capture the highlights of the inhabited space following

the research lines. It should be noted that, in preparing

these cartographies, made in September 2022, general

questions were used that encouraged discussion and

design in paleographers. The resulting maps, retrospective

and prospective scenarios created by the leaders, were

validated and discussed by the group that made them.

As an information analysis strategy, the social maps

created by the participants were first described,

highlighting the spatiotemporal dimensions and changes

in the environment. This made it possible to visualize

the occupation strategies of both camps. Later, the

representative leaders evaluated and discussed the details

of the spatial governance established in their territories,

highlighting the differences and similarities in occupying

the territory.

To record the information, the discussions related to the

preparation of the maps were recorded with audio and

then analyzed following the qualitative classification layout

proposed by the Grounded Theory (Strauss & Corbin,

2002).

IV. RESULTS

The two encampments studied5 are located on vacant lots

in Temuco, along the banks of the Cautín River (Figure 1).

Historically, these were the points of settlement for rural

migrants during the first decades of the 19

century, when

they faced rapid urban consolidation and could not find

space in the city (Rojo-Mendoza & Hidalgo, 2021).

To revitalize the area defined as wasteland and future

settlement space of the two camps studied, the

municipality of Temuco established a beach-like spa

called “Los Pinos” in the 1990s. Despite its initial success,

its condition worsened over time, degenerating into

a wasteland full of micro-dumps and with a notable

incidence of criminal acts. Subsequently, this area was

also exploited for the extraction of aggregates. In this way,

the lands on which the Los Pinos and Los Ripieros camps

were located reflect an urban space degraded over time,

something not very different from the lands used for land

grabs in Chile (Imilán et al., 2020).

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

Similar origins: who can and what is needed

The Los Ripieros camp has 36 families, and its leadership

comprises women between 20 and 40 years old. Before

this, none of the leaders had experience participating in

organizations or leading community projects. However,

they occasionally get advice from relatives or acquaintances

with experience in these elds. On the other hand, the Los

Pinos camp comprises 154 families, and its leadership is

led by men between 25 and 50 years of age who already

have experience in camps and community organizations.

Migrants from Haiti, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and

Bolivia also reside in this camp (López et al., 2018).

Both encampments implemented an initial territorial

strategy based on three interconnected actions:

cleaning the area, creating a meeting point for constant

reorganization, and having essential services for the

community. In this context, and regardless of the nal

meaning of the camp, the initiatives and the types of

organizations that are discussed, and the orientations

that each actor wants to give to the settlements, there

are concrete actions that ensure the survival of the

encampments in the cities, which is called the formalization

of urban informality. It should be noted that this

formalization seeks, in essence, to address the material and

institutional marginality of the rst-time installation (lack of

state presence).

“The neighborhood’s meeting room is the main

thing. It was our beginning; we used to get

together here... Here we joined together, here we

shared as a community” (Los Ripieros Camp Leader,

September 2022).

“The issue of electricity, we said we need electricity;

where do we get it? And the closest thing we had

was the state neighborhood, or there in Los Pinos.

We worked, through installments ..., we made

contact with an engineer, then another electrician

who worked at another camp, to make a quote on

how much it would cost us to put electricity here”

(Camp Leader Los Pinos, September 2022).

When the land occupation began, the Los Ripieros camp

established a selection process to determine which

families would be part of the community. According to the

camp leaders, coexistence and harmony are essential to

consolidate the community project. The initial population of

92 families was reduced to 30 through the mechanism used,

a gure that later increased to 36. In addition, the leadership

held conversations with selected individuals who were

potentially perceived as conictive to prevent future issues.

“They had problems with other neighbors; we

left the ones who did not cause trouble. Or they

didn’t help in absolutely anything and wanted

to receive everything... They thought that if they

did not have a plot, they couldn’t participate, but

then they didn’t come to the meetings, and if you

notice that they don’t come to the meetings, to

the activities, it’s because they’re not interested

in working with you for the same purpose” (Camp

Leader Los Ripieros, September 2022).

In the Los Pinos camp, the selection process was less

rigorous. It was based primarily on the land’s capacity

and the two founding families’ previous knowledge of the

space. Quickly, and because the information circulated

mainly among acquaintances and relatives, this number

increased to 77 families in a matter of weeks. Although

the initial occupation in Los Pinos is broader and less

structured than in the Los Ripieros camp, certain criteria

were established to prevent conflicts. For example,

to prevent the formation of ghettos and promote

coexistence and tolerance, it was stipulated that migrant

families should not be grouped by nationality in the same

sector.

The land determined the number of neighbors,

then no one else entered” (Camp Los Pinos Leader,

September 2022).

Despite the discrepancies in the criteria for incorporating

families between the two camps, both share a common

origin: the aspiration and strengthening of a residential

area in a given area in the city of Temuco.

In this way, the sense of marginality refers not only to

the spatial exclusion that people experience when they

are deprived of residing in consolidated urban areas, but

also, considering these two cases, to the meaning of the

first occupation actions that seek to claim the right to

participate in the life of the city.

Differences begin: Governing informality

Within the organization of the camps, the leadership

plays a key role in guiding the progress and advancement

of the project and resolving conflicts in daily life. On

the one hand, the most experienced residents of Los

Ripieros proposed the election of a board responsible

for organizing and leading future actions. The board’s

experience, composed only of women, cemented

social cohesion and opened up new competencies and

leadership skills. With this organizational background, the

first list of families was made to start with the procedures

of the housing committee and plan the space for housing

construction. The construction location inside the camp

was agreed upon based on being next to related people

or relatives.

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

“...it was a very pleasant consensus because no one

later complained or said anything. The land size is

the same for everyone” (Camp Leader Los Ripieros,

September 2022).

On the other hand, in the Los Pinos camp, the rst board

had the experience of living in an old camp called Avenida

Ferrea. They were in charge of organizing the camp,

enrolling the families, and designating the location and

size of the sites. For this, each family had to delimit the

place according to the homogeneous meters:

“...we were going to the person, and we were

saying Ok, that place is going to be yours, so

10 (meters) this way and 15 (meters) that way,

those were like the specications. Then, after, he

corroborated (Camp Leader Los Pinos, September

2022).

However, the dierences in the governance of both

camps arise from the characteristics related to urban

infrastructure. The Los Pinos camp adopted professional

management to ensure the permanence of the settlement

in its current location, a common practice in informal

settlements since the 1960s and 1970s, according to

Cortes (2014). On the other hand, Los Ripieros actively

seek to inuence the obtaining of a permanent housing

solution, which includes the possibility of integrating into

dierent areas of the city.

To achieve its objectives, Los Pinos entered the game

of the current urban regulations, trying to formalize

informality. To do this, electrical and architectural plans

for the camp’s housing complex were prepared and

presented to state agencies to guarantee the proper use

of space and the request for urbanization. In October

2022, they were formed as a neighborhood board,

which was the foundation stone in the search for the

ownership of the land currently used. In this sense,

political action in Los Pinos is characterized by the

creative use of laws, regulations, and citizen participation

mechanisms to achieve a negotiating position with the

ability to inuence, in a binding way, what we could call a

territorial formalization strategy. This type of strategy used

by marginal populations to stay in the same places has

been observed in populations that also experience risks

associated with their lives (Addo & Danso, 2017; Carrasco &

Dangol, 2019).

On the other hand, beyond the eorts to legitimize

the space they occupy, Los Ripieros have focused their

pressure on obtaining a denitive housing solution

instead of staying in the current settlement, thereby

establishing an extensive territorial formalization strategy.

This means that they are implicitly open to relocating to

a social housing project in other areas of the city as long

as a move of the entire community without exceptions is

guaranteed. To this end, the committee is responsible for

keeping the list of members updated and managing the

application for the housing subsidies oered by the state.

However, while waiting for a permanent home, they plan

to improve the camp’s infrastructure to prevent res and

create recreational spaces for children.

V. DISCUSSION

In the historical panorama of urbanization in Latin

America, marginalized populations’ occupation of

vacant and peripheral lands evolved since the 19

century. Initially, the tendency was to occupy and

reside in available areas, distant from urban productive

centers. However, this occupation transcends the

simple residential need and has been transformed

into a concrete political strategy. This strategy seeks to

influence government planning policies significantly.

This includes obtaining property titles to strengthen

the neighborhood project and forming territorial

organizations, such as the Los Pinos Neighborhood

Board, to dispute spaces of political power. This

represents a paradigm shift in the relationship between

informal settlements and the state.

Traditional planning, closely linked to state policies,

often fails to recognize the camps’ inhabitants as key

actors in the production and transformation of the city.

This vision considers them more as a problem than as

active participants, which is why state initiatives are

more concerned with the housing solution of these

populations than with the principle of living that

mobilizes these groups (Matus et al., 2019; Carrasco

& Dangol, 2019; Addo & Danso, 2017). In response,

contemporary approaches, such as insurgent planning

(Miraftab, 2018), seek to recognize and value these

groups’ self-management capacity in their residential

habitability processes.

In this sense, even though the two camps analyzed

emerged under similar circumstances, with similar initial

strategies in the space’s occupation and development

and the professionalization of their irregular

establishment, marked discrepancies are evident in their

visions of the future. These relate precisely to projective

forms of spatial governance. On the one hand, the Los

Pinos camp emphasizes the importance of the place,

considering the land as the central axis of its claims

and dialogs with the State to consolidate a permanent

residence in that location. On the other hand, for Los

Ripieros, housing is the focus of their struggle, a priority

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

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ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

that could encourage them to move to other city areas.

These divergences reflect, in part, the historical influence

of the Chilean State on the valuation of housing

ownership since the 20

century (Hidalgo, 2010), an

influence that continues to affect current residential

aspirations, even within the most disadvantaged sectors

of society (Rojo-Mendoza et al., 2023).

The dissimilarity in objectives of the studied camps

shows that, although both camps originated in the

same temporal and geographical context, substantial

discrepancies predominate between them in terms of

the organizational tactics they adopt. An example is the

creation of physical boundaries between settlements

(Figure 2). According to community leaders, this strategy

helps preserve the identity of each group’s project.

However, these limits have different roles in each camp.

For Los Ripieros, it safeguards the social essence of their

project, while for Los Pinos, it is a challenge to overcome

in the search for the consolidation of their community.

VI. CONCLUSIONS

Self-management in informal access to urban space is

a process fed by urban imaginaries that guide from the

initial taking of land to the consolidation of a camp in

a particular space. These imaginaries, rooted in both

the leaders and the families that make up the Los Pinos

and Los Ripieros settlements, are fundamental since

it is through their social practices and skills that they

shape their daily lives and interaction with the urban

environment.

However, although self-management is a shared trait in

self-built settlements, each human group has distinctive

urban imaginaries. This is evident in settlements such

as Los Pinos and Los Ripieros, which clearly dene

their boundaries despite sharing the same terrain.

These delimitations arise from the need to dierentiate

themselves and the intention to develop unique projects

that aect their way of living and their daily life. In

Figure 2. The boundary between the two camps (wooden fence). Source: Photograph of the authors taken from the Los Ripieros camp.

MISMA LUCHA, DISTINTOS OBJETIVOS: ESTRATEGIAS TERRITORIALES POR EL DERECHO A LA CIUDAD EN DOS CAMPAMENTOS DE TEMUCO, CHILE

IGNACIO BONDIS-LUNA, FÉLIX ROJO-MENDOZA, MIGUEL ESCALONA ULLOA

REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024

PÁG. 52 - 61

ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607

particular, the latter is related to the ultimate goal of both

camps: on-site formalization versus extensive formalization of

the housing solution.

The diversity of strategies used by irregular settlements

contrasts sharply with the homogeneous and static vision that

state agencies usually have of the camps, revealing instead

a phenomenon that is particular to each context, time, and

place and eminently dynamic.

In the social network of Los Ripieros, a vital community

cohesion stands out, where the ties of kinship and mutual

knowledge among its members allow it to weave a network

that is closed to new members. Such a perception is a key

deterrent that promotes deliberate distancing from the

adjoining camp. For its part, Los Pinos pursues expansion

beyond the established boundary with the neighboring camp.

This eort is due to a strategic plan to recover spaces for new

housing development. The political vision of Los Pinos is based

on the conviction that the numerical strength of its members

is a fundamental pillar for negotiation and adequate pressure

on the State to guarantee a future transfer of ownership of the

land.

The analysis of these camps highlights their residents’

resilience and self-management capacity, challenging

traditional notions of marginalization and turning them

into active agents in the construction and transformation

of their urban environments. This leads to a rethinking of

state intervention in irregular urban settlements, stating

that the response is not limited to the simple formalization

and urbanization of the same area, but also contemplates

the political and social instrumentalization of the camp as a

dynamic and constantly evolving phenomenon in the urban

fabric of Chile and Latin America.

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VIII. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors would like to thank the Los Pinos and Los Ripieros

camp leaders for allowing research in their territory and

participating in the data collection instances. Their members

supported the social cartographies and tours of the sector at all

times, and the TECHO Foundation for generating the meetings

with the camp leaders. The National Research and Development

Agency sponsored this article through the Regular Fondecyt Nº

1231643.