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PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZ-YÉPEZ, NATASHA EULALIA CABRERA-JARA
REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
PÁG. 62 - 77
ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607
This work is part of a master’s degree thesis entitled “Morphology and Urban Habitability on the Edges of an Intermediate City” at the
University of Azuay, Ecuador.
Magíster en Arquitectura, mención en Proyectos Urbanos y Arquitectónicos
Investigadora, estudiante de Maestría en Docencia Universitaria.
Universidad de Azuay, Cuenca, Ecuador.
https://orcid.org/0009-0007-6871-0075
michelle.pesantez@es.uazuay.edu.ec
Doctora en Arquitectura y Estudios Urbanos
Docente- Investigadora, Grupo de Investigación Cultura y Patrimonio, UDA
Grupo de Investigación LlactaLAB-Ciudades Sustentables
Universidad de Azuay - Universidad de Cuenca, Cuenca, Ecuador.
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1469-2349
necabrera@uazuay.edu.ec
https://doi.org/10.22320/07183607.2024.27.49.06
1
2
3
Recibido: 19-02-2024
Aceptado: 14-05-2024
PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES
DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
PRODUCING PERIPHERIES:
MORPHOLOGY AND
HABITABILITY IN THE
CONURBATIONS OF CUENCA,
ECUADOR
1
MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZYÉPEZ 2
NATASHA EULALIA CABRERAJARA 3
PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZ-YÉPEZ, NATASHA EULALIA CABRERA-JARA
REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
PÁG. 62 - 77
ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607
79
The expansion of Latin American intermediate cities has left irregular and discontinuous occupation patterns in their peripheral
territories. In appearance, the congurations of the urban edges do not have relevant differences. In fact, each morphological
structure is heterogeneous and has its own behaviors, different occupation motivations, and diverse resulting consolidated
models. In Cuenca, Ecuador, these diffuse zones between the urban and rural limits are marked by segregation dynamics and
dependence on the consolidated center and have the lowest quality-of-life indexes in the city. In this context, the objective
of the research was to nd a possible relationship between the types of peripheral morphologies and the levels of urban
habitability of four city urban centers, using a quantitative methodological design with a two-stage correlational scope. Initially,
urban morphologies were classied, and the habitability levels were rated separately, applying independent instruments. Then,
the results were cross-checked to describe possible links between variables. The ndings highlight signicant disparities in
habitability between conurbations and dene an apparent direct correlation between the two dimensions of analysis.
Keywords: urban morphology, habitability, periphery, urban sprawl, intermediate city.
La expansión de las ciudades intermedias latinoamericanas ha dejado patrones de ocupación irregulares y discontinuos
sobre sus territorios periféricos. En apariencia, las conguraciones urbanas de los bordes no dieren de manera relevante,
sin embargo, cada estructura morfológica es heterogénea, posee conductas propias, diferentes motivaciones de ocupación
y resulta en diversos modelos consolidados. En Cuenca, Ecuador, estas zonas difusas entre el límite urbano y rural están
marcadas a su vez por dinámicas de segregación y dependencia al centro consolidado y en ellas se registran los índices de
calidad de vida más bajos de la ciudad. En este contexto, el objetivo de la investigación fue encontrar una posible relación entre
los tipos de morfologías periféricas y los niveles de habitabilidad urbana de cuatro núcleos urbanos de la ciudad. Se usó un
diseño metodológico cuantitativo de alcance correlacional de dos etapas. Inicialmente, se clasicaron las morfologías urbanas
y se calicaron los niveles de habitabilidad por separado, aplicando instrumentos independientes. Posteriormente se cruzaron
los resultados para describir posibles vínculos entre variables. Los hallazgos resaltan disparidades signicativas de habitabilidad
entre conurbaciones y se dene una aparente correlación directa entre ambas dimensiones de análisis.
Palabras clave: morfología urbana, habitabilidad, periferia, dispersión urbana, ciudad intermedia.
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MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZ-YÉPEZ, NATASHA EULALIA CABRERA-JARA
REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
PÁG. 62 - 77
ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607
I. INTRODUCTION
The growth of cities towards their peripheries has been
constant throughout history since the formation of new
communities alongside old cities that exceeded their
natural boundaries (Mumford et al., 2014) through the
accelerated expansion during the Industrial Revolution,
which transformed urban morphology and lifestyles, giving
rise to the phenomenon of the peri-urban (Bruegmann,
2005). This expansive process has been associated with
the appearance of marginal and disorganized areas, linked
to socioeconomic gaps and lack of planning (Freidberger,
2000), which has generated criticism of the ‘dispersed
city’ model due to its negative impact on the quality of
urban life and its surrounding rural environment (Hermida
et al., 2015; Cabrera, 2016). Nowadays, urban edges are
conceived as passive support of what the center rejects
or cannot contain (Villamizar, 2014). Martins and Pereira
(2022) mention that their uncontrolled growth will
fragment the territory, decreasing the levels of habitability
on the city’s margins.
Particularly in Latin America, the most significant
transformation of its territorial structure took place during
the second half of the last century (Montero & García,
2017), moving from a rural predominance to an urban
profile where the population of cities increased from 33%
to 74% between 1940 and 1995 (Gilbert, 1997). This change
was accompanied by a decrease in population density
(Hermida et al., 2023), deepening the already entrenched
segregation processes and transforming the region into
one of the most urbanized in the world (ECLAC, 2020).
In Latin American cities, expansive dynamics result in
specific morphologies linked to social and economic
conflicts (Díaz & Medina, 2019; Ruiz & Romano, 2019;
Segarra, 2021). The urban edge territories have been
transforming into scenarios of shortcomings, which
demand a broader reading, associated not only with their
physical dimension but also social and political. The link
between these dimensions is evident in several urban
texts (Abdelrashid, 2023; Alexander, 1977; Gehl, 2010) and
is addressed in this article by studying four peripheral
neighborhoods of the intermediate city of Cuenca in
Ecuador.
The main objective was to identify and describe the
relationship between the types of peripheral morphologies
and the habitability levels in the selected cases. The article
is based on a literature review where it studies, on the one
hand, morphology understood as the physical layout of
the built area in a fabric that confers shape and structure
to the urban environment and, on the other, habitability as
the set of urban conditions that make a place suitable and
comfortable to live (Mouratidis, 2018). A methodological
design of a correlational scope quantitative approach,
conducted in two stages, is used to achieve the objective.
In the first, the morphological typologies of each
neighborhood are defined using Spacematrix, while the
habitability levels are evaluated on a table of indicators
scored on the Likert scale. In the second stage, the results
are correlated by comparing them with the literature.
Finally, a discussion based on the comparison of analyzed
data is raised.
II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Conceptual delimitation of periphery, morphology,
and habitability
When addressing the relationship between morphology
and habitability in peripheral neighborhoods, it becomes
imperative to specify these concepts, which constitute
the central line of this research. Firstly, the denition of
‘periphery’ refers to those areas named by the literature
as edge, urban-rural interface, or peri-urban (Hermida
et al., 2023) that are formed on the margin of cities, that
“are cataloged or not as expansion and live permanent
urbanization processes” (Toro et al., 2005, p.57) and are
characterized by a dispersed, disjointed and unplanned
growth model (Díaz & Medina, 2019).
On the other hand, ‘morphology’ is understood as the
physical layout of the built area in a fabric that confers
shape and structure to the urban environment (Pesántez
& Cabrera, 2023). This conguration can be analyzed from
various theoretical perspectives, including the historical-
geographical approach that studies three fundamental
elements: plot, building, and land use (Rocca et al., 2013);
and the typological-project style approach, oriented to
the interpretation of the territorial form and its building
patterns (Oliveira, 2017). For Prieto et al. (2018), on the
other hand, the approaches to urban morphology study
are related to three major schools: the Anglo-Saxon, the
Italian, and the French. The Anglo-Saxon emphasizes the
study of roads, parceling, and land use, considering parcel
dynamics as a product of social transformations. The Italian
school emphasizes the formative aspects of building
typology, where the most repetitive architecture becomes
a decisive element of the urban form. Meanwhile, the
French school presents the block as the unit of analysis
that helps explain the city’s structure and the urban
project.
Finally, ‘habitability’ is dened as the conditions that make
a place suitable and comfortable (Mouratidis, 2018),
recognizing two interrelated aspects: the architectural
PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZ-YÉPEZ, NATASHA EULALIA CABRERA-JARA
REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
PÁG. 62 - 77
ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607
81
and the urban. This variable faces the phenomenon of
“inhabiting”, which acquires dierent approaches in each
country, so establishing its meaning is complex (Rodas,
2019). The most basic denition speaks of minimum
sanitation standards in housing (Moreno, 2008), but
the concept of habitability can transcend the urban
environment. The rst refers to the internal characteristics of
homes, such as ventilation, lighting, and thermal comfort,
while urban habitability deals with the ability of cities
to meet the essential needs of their inhabitants, such as
accessibility to services and equipment (Rodas, 2019).
Relationship between morphology and habitability
A growing focus of study in urban research has been the
link between morphology and habitability from dierent
methodological and thematic approaches. Among them,
it is vital to highlight the repeated mention of urban
compactness that underlines the importance of built density
and land use eciency in the conguration of habitable
urban environments (Ananda, 2014; Hermida et al., 2015;
Mouratidis, 2018; Pan et al., 2017; Zhang & Zhang, 2015).
Ananda (2014) and Dave (2011) highlight how housing
density, inuenced by compactness, can directly impact
the provision of public infrastructure and services as key
elements for the quality of urban life. Another relevant
aspect of these investigations is the inclusion of variables
such as walkability and cyclability (Berghauser & Haupt,
2021; Ewing et al., 2016; Hermida et al., 2015; Lin & Yang,
2009). These indicators of adequate public transport and
human-oriented urban design reect a growing trend
towards urban sustainability and reducing dependence
on private transport (Houston et al., 2015; Zhang & Zhang,
2015).
The variability in the areas of habitability addressed is
remarkable; while some studies focus on basic infrastructure
and services, others extend their analyses to urban green
and sociability (Dempsey et al., 2012), components that are
increasingly recognized for their impact on the psychosocial
well-being and health of residents. This analysis highlights
approaches that prioritize eciency and land use over
those that integrate quality of life and sustainability. This
change is fundamental to face the contemporary challenges
of urbanization, especially for Latin American cities
experiencing a rapid expansion and diversication of their
peripheries (Hermida et al., 2023).
In the Latin American case, Marchant et al. (2023) examined
how the spatial congurations of peri-urban areas,
characterized by disorganized developments and horizontal
expansion, directly impact the living conditions of their
inhabitants. For example, the irregular distribution of
housing and the lack of adequate infrastructure limit access
to essential services such as drinking water, sanitation,
and public transport, exacerbating social and economic
vulnerability conditions. In addition, Flores et al.’s (2021)
research has shown that spatial fragmentation and lack of
planning result in low connectivity and accessibility, aecting
the residents’ social integration and economic opportunities.
These reections underline the importance of understanding
urban morphology not only as the physical layout, but as a
crucial determinant of the quality of life and social inclusion
in the peri-urban contexts of Latin America that integrates
psycho-social, physical-spatial and environmental aspects
(Espinoza & Gómez, 2010)
Proposed approach
This research is based on a new approach to morphological
study (Kropf, 2009), consisting of a series of mathematical
techniques “whose purpose is to decipher shapes, patterns, and
tendential behaviors” (Oliveira, 2017, p. 66), using calculations
that are easy to replicate (García, 2016). Thanks to this method,
it has been possible to triangulate quantitative data on density
and compactness by analyzing spatial conditions, which
determine certain perceptions of habitability. Alexander
et al. (1988) distinguished three approaches to this type of
quantitative data on morphology referring to the perceived,
the physical, and the measured (García, 2016). For example, the
perceived density depends on how each individual recognizes
their environment; the physical density concentrates on the
tangible and objective characteristics of the built environment,
while the set of quantitative aspects forms the so-called
measurable density. The latter represents the relationship
between an area and the number of contained elements.
This approach to urban morphology turns its components
into indicators of spatial and perceptual qualities (Pesántez &
Cabrera, 2023). The methodological item presented analyzes
the morphology using quantitative indicators, focused on the
measurable physical characteristics of urban tissues.
This research focuses on urban habitability due to its direct
relationship with morphology. It approaches it as a condition
where housing is physically integrated into the city, has
accessibility to services and equipment, and has characteristics
that decrease in marginal and dicult-to-access areas
(Alcalá, 2007). Pérez (1999) explores these conditions from
an objective-oriented approach, which includes physical
characteristics such as infrastructure, transport, and location.
On the other hand, Rodas (2019) proposes a more subjective
approach that considers aspects such as comfort, security,
social cohesion, and privacy. Urban habitability depends on
the city model, which aects dierent variables such as the
environment, infrastructure, mobility, and sociability (Pesántez
& Cabrera, 2023). It is observed that a compact urban fabric
encourages the use of public transport and sustainable modes
of transportation, such as walking and cycling. However, it
should be considered that the relationship between density
and mobility is not linear. These dense urban areas generally
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PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
MICHELLE ESTEFANÍA PESÁNTEZ-YÉPEZ, NATASHA EULALIA CABRERA-JARA
REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
PÁG. 62 - 77
ISSN 0717 - 3997 / 0718 - 3607
have greater accessibility to public and private services, which
benets the economy and reduces dependence on commuting
to other equipped centers, encouraging more frequent social
interactions. On the other hand, compact cities tend to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions and energy consumption (Hermida
et al., 2015). In conclusion, the morphology of an urban fabric
aects its environment, infrastructure, mobility, sociability, and
health of its inhabitants.
III. CASE STUDY
Like other Latin American countries, Ecuador experienced
economic and political phenomena that transformed the shape
and density of its cities. The change of its economic model
towards a neoliberal one expanded the dimensions of the
real estate market’s intervention and, with the increase
of private motorization, promoted an unprecedented
expansion in the country’s central municipalities. This study
was carried out in four areas of the periphery of Cuenca. This
Ecuadorian intermediate city is the one that has the greatest
expansion record in recent decades, having grown ninefold
since 1950 in a dispersed and atomized pattern with an
urban footprint dicult to delimit (Hermida et al., 2015).
During the selection of cases, it was found that the
expansion of the periphery of Cuenca is marked by
physical and service dependence between its rural parish
capitals and the consolidated city (Hermida et al., 2015).
This periphery visibly accentuates growth around the
road corridors connecting the urban area with the city’s
Figure 1. Growth Corridors, Living Conditions Index, and case studies: Sayausí, Chiquintad, Nulti, and Baños. Source: Cabrera, 2016; Orellana &
Osorio, 2014.
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populated centers (Cabrera, 2016) (Figure 1). Additionally,
the sectors with the lowest Living Conditions Index
(LCI) are located in the peripheries, except the Nulti
conurbation, where the LCI is one of the highest in the city
(Orellana & Osorio, 2014) (Figure 1).
Under these considerations, it was established as sample
inclusion criteria that the conurbations should: (1) be part
of the edge of the city, cataloged in the ordinance as an
urban area in the process of consolidation; (2) be adjacent
to a main rural parish, and (3) have developed around a
road corridor or primary urban expander. The conurbations
chosen were Sayausí, Chiquintad, Nulti, and Baños (Figure
2).
IV. METHODOLOGY
The methodological approach used is quantitative with a
correlational scope. The urban morphologies classication
was carried out in Spacematrix (Berghauser & Haupt, 2021),
while the urban habitability evaluation is presented in
a parametric rating table on A Likert scale (Berghauser
et al., 2021; Rodas, 2019; Segarra, 2021; Moreno, 2008).
Finally, the morphological typologies were associated with
the habitability levels analyzed in the discussion, which
coincided with other systematized studies in the literature
review.
Classication of morphologies
The morphologies were classied BY their level of
built dispersion. Spacematrix, an empirical tool with
a quantitative approach, was used to typify urban
congurations based on a survey of four metric indicators:
built intensity (FSI), built compactness (GSI), height (H), and
amplitude (OSR) (Berghauser & Haupt, 2021). The indicators
were calculated using the same data series: study area by
block, built area, and unbuilt area, which required obtaining
dimensions from cartographic data, aerial photographs,
and eld visits. According to the tool, the compactness
(GSI: Ground Space Index) is calculated by dividing the
constructed area on the ground oor for the study area
by block, equivalent to the GOS (Ground Occupancy
Coecient) in Ecuador according to current regulations.
Figure 2. Orthophotos of the selected case studies: Sayausí, Chiquintad, Nulti, and Baños. Source: Preparation by the authors, 2024
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REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
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Figure 3. Outline for the calculation of the four indicators to classify morphologies. Source: Berghauser & Haupt, 2021.
Figure 4. Diagram of interpretation of results and classication of morphological typologies. Source: Berghauser & Haupt, 2021.
PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
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The intensity (FSI: Floor Space Index) is calculated by
dividing the total built-up area for the study area by
block, being, instead, equivalent to the LUC (Land Use
Coecient). The height (H) is calculated by dividing FSI
over GSI, or, in other words, the area built in height over
that built on the ground oor. Finally, the open space
relation (OSR), which indicates the relationship between
the unbuilt space and the built-up area in each block, is
calculated by subtracting GSI from the study area and
dividing the resulting value for FSI (Berghauser & Haupt,
2021) (Figure 3).
Once the indicators are raised, these four datasets
become a point on the Cartesian plane. The values
calculated in each block determine the ordered pair (x,y),
and the morphologies are classied under the clusters
formed by points (blocks) in certain areas of the plane,
using the criteria dened by Berghauser and Haupt (2021)
(Figure 4).
Habitability assessment
Urban habitability was evaluated using a table of
indicators adapted and scored on the Likert Scale
according to standards established by related
methodologies (Moreno, 2008; Rodas, 2019; Segarra,
2021). The table covers four general rating parameters:
access to infrastructure, sustainable mobility, sociability
potential, and preservation of urban green. These criteria
were identied as recurrent in previous studies in the
region, supporting their relevance and applicability in this
context (Moreno, 2008).
Specic indicators were dened within each parameter
and adapted to the particular characteristics of the
peripheral neighborhoods to ensure their relevance.
Each indicator was evaluated on a scale of 1 to 5,
where 1 represents the worst rating, and 5 is the best.
Subsequently, an equitable weighting of the results of
each parameter was carried out to calculate a nal score
out of 100 points. Each contributed 25% of this score,
recognizing that each equally inuences the built-up
neighborhoods’ urban habitability level. That is, regardless
of the number of initiators, each of the four parameters is
equivalent to 25% of the nal score (Table 1, Table 2, and
Table 3)
Access to infrastructure
Aspect Indicators Major (5) and minor (1) qualication standards Source
Public
infrastructure
Access to water and
sanitation
5. The drinking water service is regular every day of the week.
1. There is no drinking water service.
ETAPA EP (Public
Telecommunications,
Drinking Water and Sewerage
Company of Cuenca).
Access to electricity
5. The electricity service is regular every day of the week.
1. There is no electricity service.
ETAPA EP (Public
Telecommunications,
Drinking Water and Sewerage
Company of Cuenca).
Access to
telecommunications
service
5. Telephone and internet services are regular every day of the week.
1. There is no telephone or internet service.
ETAPA EP (Public
Telecommunications,
Drinking Water and Sewerage
Company of Cuenca).
Service
infrastructure
Intensity of mixed uses
5. There are 5 or more types of uses in most sections.
1. There is only 1 type of use in most stretches.
Land Use and Management
Ordinance. Google Earth.
Onsite revision
Distance to health
and/or education
services
5. Maximum walking distance of 200 meters to a health and/or
education infrastructure.
1. More than 1 km away from a health and/or education infrastructure.
Google Earth. Onsite revision
Distance to
commercial supply
services
5. Maximum walking distance of 200 meters to a commercial supply
infrastructure.
1. More than 1 km away from a commercial supply infrastructure.
Google Earth. Onsite revision
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Table 1. Aspects, indicators, qualication standards, and sources to assess access to infrastructure. Source: Preparation by the authors, 2024
Table 2. Aspects, indicators, qualication standards, and sources for assessing sustainable mobility. Source: Preparation by the authors, 2024
Green
infrastructure
Public green area per
inhabitant
5. The public green area per inhabitant equals or exceeds 9 m
2
.
1. The public green area per inhabitant is less than 3 m
2
.
Google Earth. Geoportal
of the Municipal GAD of
Cuenca.
Ratio between
permeable and
impermeable surface
5. The ratio between impermeable and permeable surfaces is 2:1.
1. The ratio between impermeable and permeable surfaces is 8:1
or higher.
Onsite revision
Recreational
infrastructure
Eective public area
per inhabitant
5. The area of eective public space per inhabitant is equal to or
greater than 4.5 m
2
.
1. The eective area of public space per inhabitant is zero.
Google Earth. Geoportal
of the Municipal GAD of
Cuenca.
Number of services in
the public space
5. There are 5 or more types of use in most public spaces, including
essential services.
1. There is only 1 type of use in most public spaces without
essential services.
Onsite revision
Access to infrastructure
Aspect Indicators Major (5) and minor (1) qualication standards Source
Sustainable mobility
Aspect Indicators Major (5) and minor (1) qualication standards Source
Walkability
Size of the
sidewalk
5. The minimum sidewalks are 1.80 meters wide or more.
1. The minimum sidewalks are less than 1.20 meters wide.
Onsite revision
Continuity of
sidewalk
5. The sidewalks are linear throughout the section, and their
continuity is not interrupted.
1. There is no linearity in the sidewalks, or there is no sidewalk.
Onsite revision
Conditions of the
sidewalk
5. There are no holes, steps, or unevenness.
1. More than 50% of the area contains holes, steps or unevenness.
Onsite revision
Cyclability
Accessibility to
bike paths
5. The streets have lanes for cyclists, segregated from the ow of
motorized transportation.
1. There is no infrastructure for bicycles.
Onsite revision
Lane size
5. The cycle lanes are 2 meters wide or more.
1. The cycle lanes are less than 1.20 meters wide.
Onsite revision
Lane continuity
5. Cycle lanes have continuity throughout the city.
1. The cycle lanes have no continuity.
Google Earth. Onsite
revision
Public transport
Distance to public
transport stops
5. Maximum walking distance of 200 meters to a public transport
station (metro, train or bus).
1. More than 1 km away from a public transport station.
Google Earth. Moovit app.
Number and
frequency of trips
5. Constant trips every 10 minutes throughout the day.
Trips every 20 minutes or more from morning to afternoon.
Moovit app.
Private
transportation
Average number
of cars per family
5. Less than one car per family.
1. More than two cars per family,
INEC(2014) (National
Institute of Statistics and
Censuses). EMOV EP (Public
Mobility Company of
Cuenca).
Distance and travel
time
5. Daily car trips of a maximum of 15 minutes.
1. Daily car trips of more than 30 minutes.
Google Earth. Moovit app.
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V. RESULTS
Identied urban morphologies
From the application of Spacematrix in the four conurbations,
the results revealed a distinctive typication for each periphery,
depending on its degree of dispersion. When locating the
collected data, the points accumulated in the Cartesian plane
corroborated that the Sayausí conurbation is of type 4, of
medium compactness with low-rise terraced buildings; Nulti of
type 1, scattered with isolated low-rise buildings; Chiquintad, of
type 2 or scattered with isolated mid-rise buildings and Baños, of
type 5 or medium compactness with mid-rise terraced buildings
(Figure 5). In other words, the ndings describe Sayausí and
Baños as more compact conurbations than Chiquintad and Nulti,
which are signicantly diuse.
The scattered typologies 1 and 2 have low constructed intensity
indices (FSI) and low constructed coverage indices (GSI). The
dierence between the two lies in the height of their buildings
Table 3. Aspects, indicators, qualication standards, and sources to evaluate the potential of sociability and the preservation of urban green. Source:
Preparation by the authors, 2024
(H) and the area of retreats, or non-built areas per block
(OSR). In morphological typology 1 of Nulti, a larger area of
retreats was measured, generally on the four fronts of the
houses, and the constructions are lower than in Chiquintad
of morphological typology 2. In the same way, this happens
with the typologies of medium compactness 4 and 5, Sayausí
and Baños, where the one with the highest height (L) and the
lowest open space (OSR) is that of morphologies type 5 of
Baños.
Urban habitability levels
The ndings of the urban habitability assessment pointed out
deciencies in access to infrastructure, sustainable mobility,
sociability potential, and preservation of urban green in
the four peri-urban neighborhoods. After evaluating each
indicator on the Likert Scale of the proposed table, it was
obtained globally that the Sayausí conurbation reached 51
out of 100 points, Chiquintad 28, Nulti 38.75 and Baños 54.5
(Figure 6).
Potential for sociability
Aspect Indicators Major (5) and minor (1) qualication standards Source
Channelizers
of social
interaction
Amount of furniture for
resting
5. There is more than one possibility to sit on the public furniture in
most sections.
1. No furniture or structure oers the opportunity to sit and rest
Onsite revision
Number of places of shade
and shelter
5. walking under a shelter for rain and sun is possible along most
sections.
1. No structure provides shade or shelter.
Onsite revision
Safety
enhancers
Amount of public lighting
5. Public lighting is directed to the sidewalk and/or the crossings in
most sections.
There is no public lighting on the road.
Onsite revision
Number of blind facades
5. There are no blind facades that block the visibility of the private
space in most sections.
1. More than 50% of the extension of most sections is composed of
blind facades.
Onsite revision
Preservation of urban greenery
Aspect Indicators Major (5) and minor (1) qualication standards Source
Lost green area
Amount of green area lost
in the expansion
5. 5% of the green area of the selected area has been lost in the last
5 years.
1. It has lost more than 50% of the green area of the selected area in
the last 5 years.
Geoportal of the
Municipal GAD of
Cuenca. PDOTs 2015
and 2022.
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Figure 5. Results of the classication of morphologies of the studied conurbations. Source: Preparation by the authors, 2024
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89
Concerning infrastructure, the conurbations of Sayausí and
Baños stood out for their accessibility to public services,
diversity of uses, and presence of equipment, while Nulti
and Chiquintad present more restrictions. In evaluating
sustainable mobility, it was evident that all conurbations
have difficulties accessing passive transport. The
conurbations most dependent on private cars are Nulti
and Chiquintad, while Sayausí and Baños showed less
dependence due to access to more frequent and effective
public transport lines.
None of the conurbations has adequate rest places, parks,
or squares that encourage social interaction. However,
the Sayausí conurbation obtained the best score in this
parameter thanks to the permeability and versatility of its
facades, which provide opportunities for neighborhood
meetings. Finally, when evaluating the preservation of post-
expansion natural areas, the Sayausí, Baños, and Chiquintad
conurbations almost doubled their occupation area in the
last decade. At the same time, Nulti grew by about 30% in the
same period.
As can be seen in Figures 5 and 6, the more compact
morphologies exhibit better urban habitability conditions.
The typologies of medium compactness, represented in red,
obtained more than 50% of the habitability rating, although
they are still considerably low. Among these two, the
morphology of medium compactness with medium height
constructions (type 5) in Baños obtained the best rating. On
the contrary, the scattered morphologies obtained the lowest
habitability ratings, although the height difference did not
indicate the same relationship between these two.
Figure 6. Results of the evaluation of urban habitability of the studied conurbations. Source: Preparation by the authors, 2024
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VI. DISCUSSION
Firstly, it was found that the scattered morphologies,
characterized by isolated constructions, effectively face
difficulties accessing public infrastructures and are far
from essential services such as hospitals and schools. In
addition, the recreational infrastructure is insufficient.
According to the literature, the relationship between
compact morphologies and the efficient provision of
infrastructure is positive regarding technical sustainability
and energy efficiency, as Schiller (2007) points out in
his work “Urban Infrastructure: Challenges for Resource
Efficiency.” This is due to the noticeable increase in the
use and waste of material and economic resources
in providing and maintaining services in scattered
morphologies. In contrast, in compact neighborhoods,
these services are generally more diverse and efficient
(Dempsey et al., 2012).
On the other hand, there is also a theoretical consensus
stating that higher occupancy densities contribute to
the increase in the use of public transport and active
modes of transport while reducing the use of cars and
the distances traveled (Hermida et al., 2015; Ingvardson &
Nielsen, 2018; Pan et al., 2017; Zhang & Zhang, 2015). In
theory, urban transport modes are classified into public
transport, active transport (walking or cycling), and
private motorized transport (Ewing et al., 2016; Houston
et al., 2015; Kim, Park, and Hong, 2018; Lin & Yang, 2009);
and all of them are crossed by urban morphological
conditions that determine the behavior of the trip, the
distance and the choice of the modality. This research
indicated that mobility to and from the conurbations is
conflicting for the four neighborhoods studied. However,
it was evidenced that the bus lines are less efficient
for type 1 and 2 conurbations in Nulti and Chiquintad.
Stops are generally scarce within these conurbations,
and the travel time is more than 20 minutes. Baños and
Sayausí, probably due to the influx of people, have more
transport lines connected to important points of the
urban area, and the routes are made more frequently. The
walkability and other passive modes of transport are very
difficult to realize due to the urban configuration of the
conurbations. However, the more scattered morphologies
are more dependent on the use of the car, particularly
Nulti, whose economic conditions also favor the choice
of this mode of transfer.
According to related studies, compactness and high
density also positively affect the opportunities to meet
people and favor, for example, the frequency with
which people interact with their immediate neighbors
(Berghauser & Haupt, 2021; Mouratidis, 2018). However,
Bramley and Power (2009) add that this relationship is not
always linear and that social interaction tends to improve
as density increases only up to a healthy level, to then
decrease drastically. In this study, the sociability potential
obtained the most contrasting results when comparing
the scores of the scattered and medium compactness
morphologies. Morphologies 1 and 2, with scattered
characteristics, obtained the lowest results because the
city in these neighborhoods does not offer safe spaces to
stay and does not favor community life or neighborhood
encounters. The most problematic conurbation was
Chiquintad, which, in addition, is beginning to be
populated with closed condominiums en masse and
isolated housing that harm urban life (Gehl, 2010; Dave,
2011). On the contrary, it was found that the morphologies
of medium compactness offer opportunities for
community encounters, and Sayausí particularly enjoys
living spaces, shade, and permeability, which gave it the
highest rating of this criterion.
Finally, it was found that, regardless of their morphological
typology, the four conurbations have grown without any
concern for preserving the natural and rural green space.
There are still places for cultivation, livestock farming, and
new subdivisions for city residents. In this sense, Ávila
(2008) identifies the phenomenon of “deruralization” as
the result of the drastic changes that the rural territory
has suffered physically and socially due to accelerated
growth, and suggests a change of perspective. The
urban edge, discontinuity, and fragmentation studies
must also be seen from a territorial perspective, which
implies expanding the planning scale from urban to
regional (Ballén, 2014, cited by Cabrera, 2016). On the
urban scale, borders are growth scenarios that must
conform to internal norms (Salazar & Zuleta, 2014). A
purely urban approach would exclude the dynamics,
uses, and inhabitants of the rural environment and open
up the perspective and elucidation of the conflict faced
by natural habitats and their primary uses in the face of
expansion (Ruiz & Romano, 2019; Cabrera, 2016).
Despite the results, which suggest a positive correlation
between variables, it is essential to clarify that habitability
is also influenced by economic, social, and political factors
that were not addressed in this study but are understood
as fundamental to achieving a comprehensive vision of
the reality of the peripheries of Cuenca. Although the
quantitative approach of correlational scope and the tools
used (Spacematrix and parametric rating on the Likert
scale) provide quantifiable and comparative information,
they do not entirely address the complexity and
multidimensionality of the phenomena studied. Therefore,
the results and conclusions cannot be generalized,
although they show a trend that could be repeated with
the corresponding differences in similar environments.
In future research, addressing these limitations through
methodological triangulation approaches that integrate
PRODUCIENDO PERIFERIAS: MORFOLOGÍA Y HABITABILIDAD EN LAS CONURBACIONES DE CUENCA, ECUADOR
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REVISTA URBANO Nº 49 / MAYO 2024 - OCTUBRE 2024
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91
quantitative and qualitative methods and the active
participation of residents and other key players in the
research process would be beneficial. Having said that, the
relationship between urban habitability and morphology
in terms of dispersion is supported by the theory (Ananda,
2014; Hermida et al., 2015; Mouratidis, 2018; Pan et al., 2017;
Zhang & Zhang, 2015) and is ratified in this study. Being
the most scattered conurbations, those with the lowest
habitability, and those with medium compactness, those
with the highest habitability.
VII. CONCLUSIONS
The results obtained from this study in four peripheral areas
of Cuenca, in Ecuador, show a correlation between the
morphological typology and the levels of habitability in
the studied conurbations, with the most compact tending
to better urban habitability conditions, compared to those
more scattered, with which the central research objective,
consisting of identifying and describing these relationships in
the selected cases, is fullled. It was observed that scattered
morphologies face more signicant diculties in access to
public infrastructures and a greater dependence on private
transport, which does not contribute to sustainable mobility.
In addition, these areas lack adequate public spaces that
encourage social interaction, which can negatively aect
community cohesion and the well-being of residents.
On the other hand, the compact morphologies presented
a greater diversity of land uses, better accessibility to public
services, and less dependence on private transport, oering
more opportunities for social and community interaction,
which could contribute to a greater sense of belonging and
quality of life for residents. However, it is essential to highlight
that urban habitability is inuenced by various economic,
social, and political factors not addressed in this study.
Therefore, to understand the reality of the Latin American
peripheries, it is necessary to consider these aspects in future
research and integrate qualitative and participatory methods
to deepen urban margins’ territorial dynamics and livability
narratives.
The relationship between morphology and habitability in the
Latin American peripheries is a topic of great relevance and
complexity, and the management of both is decisive for the
quality of life of cities. This implies implementing policies to
ensure compact growth models that favor social, economic,
and environmental sustainability in urban edges. The ndings
of this study support the importance of considering urban
morphology when designing urban development policies
and strategies in the Latin American peripheries, promoting
compaction and diversication of land uses. Finally, it
highlights the importance of comprehensive urban planning
that addresses morphology and habitability to improve the
population’s living conditions. Finally, the lack of density and
green spaces in the peripheral territories highlights the urgency
of addressing these challenges coherently and systematically to
move towards more sustainable and inclusive cities.
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